#Vance sits somewhere in between these two tendencies
—at 37, he’s a
venture capitalist who is young enough to be exposed to the dissident online currents.
But he’s also
shaped by the most deeply traditionalist thinking of the American right.
He is friends with #Yarvin,
whom he openly cites as a political influence,
and with #Dreher,
who was there when Vance was baptized into the Catholic Church in 2019.
I’d been writing about #militias and right-wing stirrings in the #rural #West for years,
but I didn’t really understand how this alchemy worked until I first met him last July.
I’d gone back to Ohio to see my uncle, who was dying of cancer.
Vance and I both grew up around Cincinnati,
immersed in a culture of
white rural migrants who had come from coalfields and farm towns
to look for work in the cities of the Midwest.
We had met as a kind of experiment
—I was going to be in town anyway,
and because my uncle was sick,
I was thinking a lot about the place and what it meant to me.
On a whim, I asked an editor at a conservative magazine if I could write something from the perspective of a skeptical leftist.
Vance suggested that we meet at a diner where my dad had often taken me as a kid.
He was barely registering in the polls at the time.
Vance believes that a
well-educated and culturally liberal American elite
has greatly benefited from globalization,
the financialization of our economy,
and the growing power of big tech.
This has led an
Ivy League intellectual and management class
—a quasi-aristocracy he calls
“the regime”
—to adopt a set of economic and cultural interests that directly oppose those of people in places like Middletown, Ohio, where he grew up.
In the Vancian view, this class has no stake in what people on the New Right often call the “real economy”
—the farm and factory jobs that once sustained middle-class life in Middle America.
This is a fundamental difference between New Right figures like Vance and the Reaganite right-wingers of their parents’ generation.
To Vance—and he’s said this—culture war is class warfare.
Vance recently told an interviewer, “I gotta be honest with you,
I don’t really care what happens to Ukraine,” 
a flick at the fact that he thinks the American-led global order is as much about enriching defense contractors and think-tank types as it is about defending America’s interests.
“I do care about the fact that in my community right now
the leading cause of death among 18- to 45-year-olds
is Mexican fentanyl.”
His criticisms of big tech as “enemies of Western civilization”
often get lost in the run of Republican outrage over Trump being kicked off Twitter and Facebook,
though they go much deeper than this.
Vance believes that the regime has sold an illusive story that consumer gadgets and social media are constantly making our lives better,
even as wages stagnate and technology feeds an epidemic of depression.